Thursday, July 21, 2011

Remembering a Dream, a Poem by Su Dongpo

Upon reading my last post, a friend sent in her favorite Su Dongpo (東坡) poem with translation.

I'll take this opportunity to provide a simple primer on Su Dongpo. Born "Su Shi" (苏轼) in Meishan, Sichuan Province, Su became perhaps the most famous literati of the Song Dynasty. His brother Su Zhe (蘇轍) and his father Si Xun (蘇洵) were both famous as well. Su's early education was conducted by a Taoist priest and he married at the age of 17. At this young age he was a recognized master of the Confucian classics. In 1057, at 19, he and his brother passed the state civil service exams allowing them to attain high government office. Su held a many positions over the next 20 years, most notably as Governor of Xuzhou and for authorizing the building of a pedestrian bridge across the West Lake in Hangzhou.

Su fell out of favor when his political rival, a man named Wang Anshi, deftly portrayed Su's criticisms of him as criticisms of the Emperor. He began a life in exile in Hubei Province, where he became famous for poetry, literary criticism, devout meditation, and calligraphy. He lived on a plot of land called "Dongpo", or "Eastern Slope," from which he took his pseudonym. Su was rehabilitated in 1100 and posted to Chengdu, but died en route at the age of 64. About 2,700 of his poems survive.

This poem is a jiang1 cheng2zi (江城子), or, ci2 pai2 ming2, 词牌名, a poem that conforms to relatively strict composition rules, kind of like a Japanese haiku. In a 词 poem, the rules affect the rhythm and the tones at play in the verse. This poem is called "乙卯正月二十日夜記夢" -- Remembering a Dream -- and is written in memory of his first wife, Wang Fu (王弗) who died in 1065.

十年生死两茫茫,不思量,自难忘。
Shí nián shēngsǐ liǎng mángmáng, bù sīliang, zì nánwàng.
千里孤坟,无处话凄凉。
Qiānlǐ gū fén, wú chù huà qīliáng.
纵使相逢应不识,尘满面,鬓如霜。
Zòngshǐ xiāngféng yìng bù shí, chén mǎnmiàn, bìn rú shuāng.
夜来幽梦忽还乡,小轩窗,正梳妆。
Yèlái yōu mèng hū huán xiāng, xiǎo xuān chuāng, zhèng shūzhuāng.
相顾无言,惟有泪千行。
Xiānggù wú yán, wéiyǒu lèi qiān háng.
料得年年肠断处,明月夜,短松冈。
Liào de nián nián chángduàn chù, míngyuè yè, duǎn sōng gāng.

It means:

Ten years, dead and living dimly, drawn apart.
I don't try to remember,
But forgetting is hard.
 Lonely grave a thousand miles off,
 Cold thoughts, where can I speak them aloud?
 Even if we met, you wouldn't recognize me any more,
 Dust on my face,
 Hair like frost.
 In a dream last night suddenly I was home.
 By the window of the little room,
 You were combing your hair and putting on makeup.
 You turned and looked at me, speechless,
 Only lines of tears coursing down your face.
 Year after year will it still break my heart?
 The moonlit night,
 The stubby pines.



Wednesday, July 6, 2011

Song Translation: 但愿人长久 (May We Be Blessed With Longevity)

但愿人长久 (Dàn yuàn rén chángjiǔ) – May We Be Blessed With Longevity

I’m back, and have to mark this occasion in style. How about a new song? This is one of my favorites in any language. It’s simple and expressive with a hypnotic cadence, and a mix of Chinese/Western instruments. But, the magic is in the old and esoteric lyrics, not the orchestration. The lines are actually exactly those of a poem in the form of 水调歌头, named "
明月几时有" (When was the Moon Created?) and written by Su Dongpo (蘇東坡, 1037 – 1101), a famed literati of the Song Dynasty. He wrote it on a mid-autumn day for his younger brother who was far away. He expressed the feeling of missing him during the Mid-Autumn Festival when the moon is full and families come together, yet this year the brothers were apart. Originally, it expressed missing your family, but today the meaning has been extended to express missing of your dear friends or your love, as well.

There’s a pretty commonly used translation by Lin Yutang (林语堂, 1895 – 1976), a Nobel Prize-nominated Chinese writer and inventor. I normally defer to such learned sources, but in this case the translation is liberal, and a friend of mine provided what I think is a more moving rendition. I have harmonized them somewhat to come up with this version below. It is likely flawed, but I hope not badly.

It was set to music somewhere along the way and reached broad audiences when taken up by the indomitable Deng Lijun. However, in another rare break, I strongly prefer the rendition of Wang Fei (王菲). Perhaps I think this song is better suited to her, as she has enjoyed a reputation for putting love before her own career advancement on multiple occasions.



明月几时有?
Míngyuè jǐshí yǒu?
When was the bright moon created?

把酒问青天,不知天上宫阙,今夕是何年。
Bǎjiǔ wèn qīngtiān, bùzhī tiānshàng gōngjué, jīnxī shì hé nián.
Raising a cup of wine, I ask the blue sky.
I don't know what day it is in heaven,
But I think it must be very beautiful.

我欲乘风归去,又恐琼楼玉宇,高处不胜寒。
Wǒ yù chéng fēng guī qù, yòu kǒng qióng lóu yùyǔ, gāo chù bùshèng hán.
How I wish I could fly to the jade mansion in the heavenly palace,
but I fear it is too cold and high for me to go.

起舞弄清影,何似在人间!
Qǐ wǔnòng qīng yǐng, hé shì zài rénjiān!
My shadow dancing in the moonlight, I no longer feel mortal.

转朱阁,低绮户,照无眠。
Zhuǎn zhū gé, dī qǐ hù, zhào wú mián.
The moon rounds the red mansion and stoops to silk-padded doors,
shining upon the restless.

不应有恨,何事长向别时圆!
Bù yìng yǒu hèn, héshì zhǎng xiàng bié shí yuán!
One shouldn't complain, but why is the moon so full when people are apart?!

人有悲欢离合,月有阴晴圆缺,此事古难全。
Rén yǒu bēihuānlíhé, yuè yǒu yīn qíng yuán quē, cǐ shì gǔ nán quán.
People may have sorrow or joy, be near or far apart;
The moon may wax or wane;
This has been going on since the beginning of time.

但愿人长久,千里共婵娟
Dàn yuàn rén chángjiǔ, qiānlǐ gòng chánjuān.
May we all be blessed with longevity.
Though far apart, we are still able to share the beauty of the moon together
if we miss each other deeply.

Wednesday, June 9, 2010

Farewell, My Intercambio.

Being stateside, I haven’t had many relevant activities to post here this year. My Rotary-China experience hasn’t come in very handy except for presentations to Rotary clubs, or side-discussions on international policy or Amy Tan novels with the judges and staff at the Courthouse. To anyone who has inquired about my whereabouts or taciturn-turn, thank you.

There have been a few adoptions of Chinese children, some where the parents go to China to retrieve the child (from Guangzhou or Shanghai), and a couple of stateside airport pickups through an agency. Korean adoptions are far more prevalent. Once, I encountered an aged Caucasian couple roaming the hallways with a mid-30’ish Chinese woman from Guangzhou. Despite their ages and the fact that she hardly spoke any English (nor they any Chinese) they were intent on adopting her. The elders were extremely frustrated by Maryland adoption bureaucracy and the male snarkled, “We have to do things according to the law here, unlike in China.” Bound by my oath for this year I was unable to provide any legal assistance, other than to suggest to both parties – in their respective languages – that they find an adoption attorney.

I occasionally hold court at the City Buffet restaurant, in my opinion this burgh’s finest. I bargained for a permanent 15% discount from the manager’s wife in exchange for introducing new guests. A few have actually returned on their own, justifying my end of the bargain. When I was first transitioning back it provided a comfortable oasis, although your standard American-Chinese restaurants don’t serve many real Chinese staple foods. Oh, for a bowl of zhou – fish congee – in the morning. (One notable exception: Chicago’s Chinatown).

Anyway, I had a good thing going with a waitress at the City Buffet. She was studying English in a classroom at a local high school from 7-9:30pm on Tuesdays and Thursdays. I would meet her after work from 5-7 on those nights, and we’d exchange one hour of Chinese instruction for one hour of English, and then I’d drive her to class on my way out of town. It was a serendipitous format that lasted from February to early May, 2010.

Unfortunately, my intercambio has moved on. About two weeks ago her best friend/co-worker at the restaurant was slapped by another waitress. Unaware of other procedures to handle such emergent circumstances the victim resorted to her knowledge of American TV and movies, and dialed 9-1-1. Within minutes the city police descended on the restaurant, but not before the majority of the wait-staff had retreated to their apartment one block away. (The apartment, by the way, is owned by the manager of the restaurant, who docks their pay for rent).

By the time the police reached the apartment, most of the girls had loaded into a van and departed for Washington, DC, in order to catch the Chinatown bus to NYC. The victim and the perpetrator have never returned, seeking new employment there. My intercambio remained local, initially. She is insistent – no matter how I try to convince her of the extreme unlikely-hood – that it was the FBI at her apartment. In any event, after training the new wait-staff (which arrived within 48 hours), she decided to go to NYC and be reunited with her friend, as well as enjoy a more fast-paced environment.

In truth, I don’t think we learned all that much from each other linguistically. Our time was short. I was far more successful in gleaning a little information about the inner-workings of an American-Chinese restaurant. Most of the employees tend to be from Fujian, as the city of Fuzhou hosts massive employment agencies for this purpose. The managers were from Shanghai, but the waiters/waitresses were all from Fujian. Most of them, although speaking very decent English, do not have the benefit of a high school education back in China. They arrive in NYC, where the stateside branch of the employment agency places them. According to my intercambio, if they are in an unhappy environment at their placement, they are free to leave and seek employment at another restaurant in the USA. I was happy to hear that. Although I never asked, I suspect it is doubtful that many have the appropriate visas to be considered legal.

Of course, this story was only about one waitress at one Chinese restaurant in one American town. A microcosm perhaps not, but a vignette for sure. I will miss my intercambio.

Monday, May 31, 2010

Song Translation: 夢里水鄉 Meng Li Shui Xiang, The Water Village in my Dreams

夢里水鄉, "Meng Li Shui Xiang," or
"The Water Village in my Dreams."




春天的黄昏
Chun (1) Tian (1) de Huang (2) Hun(1)
A Spring evening;

请你陪我到 梦中的水乡
Qing (3) Ni (3) Pei (2) Wo(3) Dao (4) Meng (4) Zhong (1) de (1) Shui (3) Xiang(1)
Please accompany me to the water village in my dream.

让挥动的手 在薄雾中飘荡
Rang(4) Hui (1) Dong (4) de(1) Shou(3)Zai (4) Bo(2) Wu(4) Zhong (1) Piao(1) Dang (4)
Waving hands floating in the light mist,

不要惊醒杨柳岸 那些缠绵的往事
Bu (2) Yao(4) Jing(1) Xing(3) Yang(3) Liu(3) An(4) , Na(4) Xie (1) Chan(2) Mian (2) de (1) Wang(3) Shi(4)
Hope not to disturb the old love stories that happened around the riverbank,

化作一缕轻烟 已消失在远方
Hua(4) Zuo(4) Yi(1) Lv(3) Qing(1) Yan(1) , Yi(3) Xiao(1) Shi (1) Zai(4) Yuan(3) Fang(1)
Which have disappeared in the distance like a light smoke.

暖暖的午后
Nuan Nuan de Wu Hou
A warm afternoon,

闪过一片片 粉红的衣裳
Shan Guo Yi Pian Pian Fen Hong de Yi Shang
I see young girls in pink walking by.

谁也载不走 那扇古老的窗
Shei Ye Zai Bu Zou, Na Shan Gu Lao de Chuang
No one can take away that ancient window,

玲珑少年在岸上 守候一生的时光
Ling Long Shao Nian zai An Shang, Shou Hou Yi Sheng de Shi Guang
The young man waited for the love of his life on the riverbank,

为何没能做个 你盼望的新娘
Wei He Mei Neng Zuo Ge Ni Pian Wang de Xin Niang
But the young lady can’t marry him.

淡淡相思 都写在脸上
Dan Dan Xiang Si Dou Xie zai Lian Shang
Lovesickness written all over her face,

沉沉离别背在肩上
Chen Chen Li Bie Bei zai Jian Shang
The sorrow of separation seems like a heavy burden on her shoulder.

泪水流过脸庞
Lei Shui Liu Guo Lian Pang
Tears streamed down her face,

所有的话 现在还是没有讲
Suo You de Hua, Xian Zai Hai Shi Mei You Jiang
All the words she wanted to tell him but hasn’t yet.

看那青山 荡漾在水上
Kan Na Qing Shan Dang Yang zai Shui Shang
I see the green hills rippling on the clear water,

看那晚霞吻着夕阳
Kan Na Wan Xia Wen Zhe Xi Yang
I see the beautiful clouds at sunset,

我用一生的爱 去寻找那一个家
Wo Yong Yi Sheng de Ai, Qu Xun Zhao Na Yi Ge Jia
I used the love of my whole life to find a place called “Home.”

今夜你在何方
Jin Ye Ni zai He Fang
Where are you tonight?

转回头 迎着你的笑颜
Zhuan Hui Tou, Ying Zhe Ni de Xiao Yan
Turn around, I see you smiling,


心事全都被你发现
Xin Shi Quan Dou Bei Ni Fa Xian
You know all that I am thinking about, all that I am worried about,

梦里遥远的幸福 它就在我的身旁
Meng Li Yao Yuan de Xing Fu, Ta Jiu zai Wo de Sheng Pang
Then, I finally realized, the happiness I have been dreaming about is here at my side.

Tuesday, January 26, 2010

Song Translation: "恰似你的温柔," or "Just Like Your Tenderness."

This translation of the old standard "恰似你的温柔" (Qia4 Si4 Ni3 de1 Wen1 Rou2), or "Just Like Your Tenderness," submitted by 崔丽欣.





某年某月的某一天,

Mou Nian Mou Yue de Mou Yi Tian,

Some day, some month, some year;
就象一张破碎的脸。

Jiu Xiang Yi Zhang Po Sui De Lian,

Like a face I can’t remember,
难以开口道再见,

Nan yi kai kou dao zai jian,

It is hard for us to say goodbye,
就让一切走远。

Jiu rang yi qie zou yuan,

Let it be gone.
这不是一件容易的事,

Zhe bu shi yi jian rong yi de shi

This is not easy,
我们却都没有哭泣。

Wo men que dou mei you ku qi,

But we did not cry.
让它淡淡地来,

Rang Ta dan dan de lai,

Let it come subtly,
让它好好地去。

Rang ra hao hao de qu,

Let it be the past.
到如今年复一年,

Dao ru jin nian fu yi nian,

Now years have past,
我不能停止怀念。

Wo bu neng ting zhi huai nian,

I can’t stop thinking
怀念你,怀念从前。

Huai Nian ni, Huai nian cong qian

Thinking about you, thinking about the past,
但愿那海风再起,

Dan yuan na hai feng zai qi,

May the sea breeze comes again,
只为那浪花的手,

Zhi wei na lang hua de shou,

Just for the spray,
恰似你的温柔。

Qia Si Ni de Wen Rou.

Like your tenderness.

Monday, January 11, 2010

The Yijing and Chinese Statecraft continued: HEXAGRAM #50: THE CAULDRON, (DING, 鼎)

HEXAGRAM #50: THE CAULDRON, (DING, 鼎)

Wilhelm and Kerson Huang literally translate ding (鼎, dǐng) as “Cauldron,” and Blofeld as “Sacrificial Vessel,” while Alfred Huang prefers its symbolic meaning, “Establishing the New.” Ding are ancient Chinese sacrificial vessels cast in bronze with two loop handles, three legs and a round bowl. Used primarily during the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties for serving food to honored dignitaries, ding have been intimately related to the ritual elements of Chinese statescraft. Not only is the ding hexagram the inverse of its predecessor, but it is unique among the hexagrams because it is meant to look like the very item it represents.

According to legend the founder of the Xia dynasty, Xia Yu, cast nine ding, symbolizing the nine conquered territories comprising his empire. The nine ding followed the ruler, and thus indicated where the capital was located: Emperor Tang moved them to Shang, the capital of the Shang dynasty; King Wu moved them to Lo, the capital of the Zhou dynasty. Early ding were often decorated with sacred inscriptions and pictures of animals, but once the ritual stately function was firmly realized later ding came to have actual laws inscribed upon them:

"Whenever a new dynasty began or a new emperor was enthroned, the first thing done was to cast a new ding and inscribe the new constitution on it, symbolizing that a new era had begun. The emperor employed the ding to prepare sacrificial offerings for the Lord of Heaven and to nourish persons of wisdom and virtue. For this reason, the Chinese scholars call the change of a dynasty “ding ge,” a phrase derived from the [Yijing]."

Thus, this hexagram has been interpretted as representing the importance of nourishing and honoring wise, virtuous and worthy individuals for the benefit of a new regime. It also represents transformation, but whereas its predecessor focuses on the bloody and destructive process of tearing down the old, the ding addresses the post-revolutionary phase of constructing a better social order. The acts of destroying the old, unjust regime and establishing and maintaining the new social order both require exceptionally qualified personnel. This hexagram suggests that the proper way to do so is to respect and rely upon wise and virtuous persons while eliminating those who are insincere or unqualified. It is an optimistic image, with the Judgment promising “Supreme Good Fortune. Success.”

Understanding the inherent imagery of hexagram #50 is a bit challenging, as three meanings are assigned to the two trigrams, but the image is mutually reinforcing. Its lower trigram is ☴ (巽, xùn), linked to wind (風, feng) under Fu Xi’s assignment of eight natural phenonemon to the trigrams, but thereafter also associated with wood (木, mu) under Taoist Five-Elements Theory. The upper trigram, ☲ (離, lí), is somewhat easier to comprehend, because it is associated with fire (火, huo) under both explications. Together they represent a flame kindled by wood and wind as in cooking: the wood and wind below nourishing the fire above. It is thus a symbol of harmonious cooperation among the natural elements.

Applied metaphorically to political affairs, it stands for stableness and reform. The Confucian Commentaries say:

"Fire over wood is the image not of the [ding] itself but of its use. Fire burns continuously when wood is under it. Life must also be kept alight, in order to remain so conditioned that the sources of life are perpetually renewed. Obviously the same is true of the life of a community or of a state. Here too relationships and positions must be so regulated that the resulting order has duration. In this way the decree of fate whereby rulership falls to a particular house becomes established."

The hexagram’s strongest lines are the six in the fifth place and the nine at the top, but we will address the image from the bottom to the top in keeping with the traditional Duke of Zhou interpretation. The first line is translated “a [ding] with legs upturned, furthers removal of stagnating stuff, one takes a concubine for the sake of her son, no blame.” This can have two metaphorical meanings. First, “if a [ding] is turned upside down before being used, no harm is done – on the contrary, this clears it of refuse.” Thus, the bottom line represents the beginning of a new order, the overturning indicating that a firm decision has been made to purge the old order thouroughly. Second, though a concubine’s position is lowly, she is honored for bearing a son. This expresses the idea that everyone can succeed in a highly developed civilzation regardless of class, provided he is ready to purify him or herself.

The second, third and forth lines discuss the political science involved in constructing a new state. Huang’s interpretation of the second line signifies a sense of fulfillment at the victory of the revolution, but warns that the envious and vain have no place in the new order. The third line furthers the explication of insidious corruption. In it, the ding’s handles have been damaged, rendering it useless. In the fourth line of the hexagram the ding’s legs break, spilling the dignitary’s food and bringing disaster. Huang’s explanations warn that disaster is risked if important work is assigned to unqualified people during the crucial post-revolution transition period. On the contrary, transitioning the proper personnel into their ideal roles, like proverbial rainfall, will bring prosperity. Thus, these three lines suggest the challenge and the urgent need to properly redistribute human and material resources at the beginning of a new regime.

The fifth and sixth lines promise that once that mission is effectively accomplished, peace and stability will flow to the new order. In the fifth line “[t]he [ding] has yellow handles, golden carrying rings. Perseverance furthers.” This indicates that the proper experts are in their proper roles. Wilhelm explains, “[a ruler] succeeds in finding strong and able helpers who complement and aid him in his work,” and Huang agrees that, “[t]his line tells us that King Wen obtained the support of persons with wisdom and virtue.” The sixth line – the one which represents the ring for carrying the ding -- assures the reader that, although vigilence must always be maintained, a favorable state has been achieved. “The ding has rings of jade, great good fortune, nothing that would not act to further.” In these lines valuable gold and precious jade -- notable for its combination of hardness with soft luster, both firm and gentle – comprise the ding. The line is also a yang element at a yin place, simultaneously firm and gentle like jade, and these are the qualities attributed to a benevolent king. Thus, this line represents a ruler of high wisdom and distinguished virtue, in the legendary image of King Wen.

Indeed, the image of the ding transcends the augur and claims an important place in Chinese etymology. The term “定鼎,” (ding ding) originated in the Zhou Dynasty, meaning “to found a country.” An idiom stemming from Yijing, “革故鼎新” (ge gu ding xin) means to discard old ways of life in favor of the new. It is also used in the expression, “三足鼎立,” (san zuo ding X) referencing the legendary Three Kingdoms period in Chinese history. This represents the counterbalance of three well-matched forces, alternating in confrontation and cooperation, none with an obvious advantage over any other. The vessel (or the world order) can not stand if one of the legs (countries, institutions) does not exist. Thus, their combination signifies holding, or harmony: a society in a stable state. Thus, the present hexagram refers to the cultural superstructure of society. This resilient image remains vibrant today, both ideologically and physically: in 1995, the Chinese Government presented a huge bronze ding to the United Nations to celebrate its 50th Anniversary.

Monday, December 28, 2009

Chinese Political Life and the Yijing

>The Yijing (I Ching, 易经) is a textual compilation of ancient Chinese divination practices rich in poetic verse and historical tales.[1] It commands immense importance in Chinese culture, often equated to that of the West’s biblical tradition.[2] The last of at least three such texts – the Yi of the Xia Dynasty, the Yi of the Shang Dynasty, and the Yi of the Zhou Dynasty – it is, unfortunately, the only one to survive into modernity.[3] The essential knowledge it contains is so vast that it has been reinterpreted time and again by generations of scholars and statesmen applying it to their own times. The Yijing has been the subject of voluminous exegeses, often serving as the fountainhead of Chinese philosophical and political thought.[4] Over the millennia it has been worshipped by the ancients, commandeered by the Confucians, amended by the Taoists, tolerated by the Legalists, and now – perhaps – embraced by the Communists.

A. DIVINATION IN CHINESE STATESCRAFT

Primitive divination practices comprised the core of the original Yijing. Divination long had an important role in official Chinese life, evinced back to the famous Shang Dynasty oracle bones. The Shang Court (which ruled the Yellow River Valley from about 1850 to 1100 B.C.E.)[5] maintained colleges of official soothsayers to guide state matters.[6] Their principle method of auguring was to apply heat to one of six depressions carved into the ventral side of a turtle shell, causing cracks to appear.[7] The pattern of the cracks would be interpreted and judgment rendered.[8] Archaic as this practice may seem to the modern political scientist, it is not without obvious parallel to the practice of examining animal entrails once relied upon in Europe.[9] Fortunately for posterity, the Shang soothsayers inscribed their prognostications onto the fronts of the turtle shells, providing a lasting testament.[10] In 1936 an expedition sponsored by the Chinese Academy of Science uncovered an archive of over 100,000 such “oracle bones” at Anyang (安阳), the final capital of the Shang Dynasty.[11] The archives constitute an invaluable historical record of the Shang, [12] and those records impart to the shells their close link to all aspects of political life:

Divination had a bearing on all the activities of connected with the royal function: worship of ancestors and divinities, military expeditions, appointments to official posts, summonses to court, construction of towns, agricultural campaigns, meteorology, (rain, drought and winds), illnesses, journeys, dreams, births and the propitious or unpropitious nature of the decade or night to come.[13]

The aforementioned tortoise shells, as well as various matrixes of numerology,[14] comprised the

earliest Yijing.

B. THE YIN, THE YANG, AND THE YIJING

The Yijing is also built upon an ancient philosophy asserting that all things are locked into a continuous cycle, “rising and falling in a process of progressive evolutionary advancement. When situations meet their extremes, they alternate to their opposites.”[15] This is, of course, the basic philosophy of Yin and Yang. According to legend, an early Emperor-sage named Fuxi advanced the theory that any sequence of events can be described by these two basic elements.[16] Yin represents the characteristics of passivity and nurturing, while Yang is active, dominating and creative.[17] When Yang dominates for too long it wanes into an ascendant Yin force, and visa-versa. This eternal cycle offers hope in despair and cautions humility at the pinnacle of success.[18] Its essence, in a word, is “change.” Indeed, “Yijing” is translated to “Book of Change.”

In ancient notation, Yin is represented by a broken line, and Yang by a solid bar:[19]

___ ___ _______

YIN YANG

Fuxi pieced the Yin and Yang lines together by stacking them vertically into groups of three, creating trigrams.[20] Arranged in all possible combinations, eight trigrams were created to represent the basic elements of the known universe as then understood: Heaven, Earth, Thunder, Water, Mountain, Wind, Fire and Lake.[21]

_______ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ _______ _______ _______ ___ ___

_______ ___ ___ ___ ___ _______ ___ ___ _______ ___ ___ _______

_______ ___ ___ _______ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ _______ _______

HEAVEN EARTH THUNDER WATER MOUNTAIN WIND FIRE LAKE

Much later, King Wen of Zhou stacked these trigrams on top of each other in all possible combinations – thereby multiplying eight by eight – creating a total of 64 nuanced hexagrams.[22] Those 64 combinations, in keeping with the duality of Yin and Yang theory, can be subdivided into 32 conjugate-pairs in which one of the hexagrams can be obtained by standing its partner upside down (except for the eight hexagrams made by doubling like trigrams).[23] For example, take the 23rd and 24th hexagrams, which symbolize “LOSS-RETURN:”

_______ ___ ___

___ ___ ___ ___

___ ___ ___ ___

___ ___ ___ ___

___ ___ ___ ___

___ ___ _______

(23) LOSS (24) RETURN

Each hexagram follows the development of an idea or situation, from its inception in the first line (at the bottom) to its ultimate fate in the last line (at the top). The first line sets the general mood, while successive lines describe the unfolding of the situation: six stages of change.[24] The final line warns of the consequences for overstepping proper bounds. In the example above, LOSS (23), the last line depicts a lonely Yang in its final stage of development, atop of a stack of ascendant Yin. This character has been interpreted to symbolize the end of a political or dynastic regime, hence “loss.”[25] Its partner, RETURN (24), describes the opposite situation, the rise of a new epoch. “[A] youthful Yang begins to sprout from the roots, ready to extend its influence upward to turn the Yin lines into vigorous Yangs. It symbolizes renewal, hence ‘return.’”[26] Thus, each conjugate pairing contains a complete set of alternating energies.

Furthermore, the entire canon of 64 hexagrams can be split in half at the 32nd conjugate pair, where the first 32 pairs (or Upper Canon) represents the functions of Heaven; and the second half (or Lower Canon) represents the functions of humanity.[27] For instance, the first pair of hexagrams represent “HEAVEN-EARTH,” and the final pair “FULFILMENT-UNFULFILMENT.”[28] Whereas the folklore surrounding the “HEAVEN-EARTH” couplet clearly speaks to issues of divinity, the “FULFILMENT-UNFULFILMENT” couplet concerns human issues. That final couplet has long been interpreted as lamenting that the noble missions of the Shang and Zhou Dynasties were not completed.[29] Thus, the 64 hexagrams define existence as a totality of opposing and complimentary forces and virtues.

C. THE YIJING AND CHINESE STATECRAFT

To forecast with the Yijing, one casts a hexagram by educing six lines at random and interpreting that result through analogy to great political events in Chinese history. The original method for obtaining the lines was quite burdensome, involving the manipulation of 50 straws of yarrow reed,[30] but this practice was replaced by a more convenient method whereby three coins were tossed and hexagrams built upon the combinations of heads and tails during the Tang Dynasty.[31]

Once the hexagram is derived, all that remains is to properly interpret it in light of historical deeds, present circumstances and future potential. A vast compilation of literature accumulated over the millennia to provide such guidance, of which the most ancient meanings are largely suppressed or forgotten.[32] What is left of the earliest texts contain extremely concise language that is difficult to interpret into modernity.[33] Thus, the Yijing’s various interpreters drew from the progressing march of history to fill these gaps, creating a rich repository of folklore to draw from. Each hexagram now stands as an independent, epic poem chock full historical citations. These references render the great personalities and events of the past into a paradigm for modern analysis.

The earliest known historical event recorded in the Yijing was the Great Yellow River Flood of 2200 BC. The flood caused twelve years of catastrophic devastation until a legendary civil servant named Yu heroically brought it under control. To reward his years of selfless dedication, the reigning Emperor ceded the throne to Yu. [34] His ascension began the legendary Xia Dynasty (2197 to 1766 B.C.E.), the first hereditary dynasty in China.[35] Yet, by no means should Yu’s selflessness be misconstrued as probity; years later Yu would prove his mastery of Machiavellian statecraft by using mere tardiness as pretext to execute an insubordinate chieftain:

The rebellious cometh.

Last to arrive, he meets his end. (8 – SUPPORT)[36]

Another important political episode occurred during the Middle Xia Dynasty (circa 2120 B.C.E.) when Yoxiung, a master archer, usurped the throne and forced King Xiang into exile.[37] Yoxiung, in turn, was murdered by his aide, Hanju, who ascended to both the throne and to Yoxiung’s widow. [38] She bore Hanju two sons, and in time he sent one of them to kill the original King Xiang in his exile. Xiang’s wife escaped the attack and gave birth to Shao Kang (Kang the Younger). And, after 20 tumultuous, adventure-filled years, Hanju was overthrown and Shao Kang regained the dynasty that was his by blood.[39] These events inspired the poem accompanying the 38th hexagram, “ABANDONMENT:”

The abandonment of a waif saw a pig in the mud,

And a cart full of demons.

He arched his bow at first,

But finally put it down.

They are not robbers, only wife grabbers.

Going would be favorable if it rains.

The Xia Dynasty ended in 1783 BC when, according to legend, its evil Emperor was toppled by the righteous Lord Tang. This began the Shang Dynasty (1766 to 1100 B.C.) a particularly important era for the Yijing, to which it often refers as the “Great Kingdom.”[40] The Shang saw new heights of culture and commerce, refining Chinese calligraphy and perfecting the techniques of bronze casting used to make a variety of novel items including austere cooking vessels.[41] The Shang capital was located in the Yellow River basin, and had to be moved eight times due to flooding throughout the epoch. These circumstances forged a special relationship between the Shang and its neighbor state, Zhou:

Water laps at the King’s house.

It’s safe.

On the road, the Duke got the news, agreed,

And assisted in moving the Capital. (42 – INCREASE)

The poem records how the vassal state of Zhou helped mighty Shang relocate its capital to Anyang in 1388 BC.[42] The same hexagram also implies that by ostensibly gaining Shang’s trust, Zhou laid the foundation for its ultimate overthrow of Shang.[43]

Those tumultuous events began in 1151 BC when Jou the Terrible, the final Shang emperor, ascended the throne. Jou was a Chinese Caligula, an infamous psychopath with a short temper and penchant for alcohol fueled orgies. Meanwhile, Zhou’s King Wen had earned a reputation as a humane ruler and impartial arbiter of disputes across the land. So revered is he that the Yijing twice records how Jou’s father, the Emperor Yi, gave his daughter in marriage to King Wen (although she was clearly upstaged in his heart by her niece/consort):

Emperor Yi betrothed his daughter.

With her niece as consort. (11 – PEACE)

Emperor Yi gave his daughter in marriage.

The princess is not as beautiful as her consort. (54 – THE MARRYING MAIDEN)

Jou became so jealous of Wen’s influence that he imprisoned him for seven years. It was during this incarceration that Wen reflected upon the Yin and Yang, as well as the trigrams, and bore the idea of stacking the trigrams to create hexagrams.[44] Wen also authored an introductory text to each hexagram called the “Judgment” to represent its general idea.[45] He recorded these ideas into a text called the Guazi which forms the skeleton of the modern Yijing.[46] So rich is this guide in political theory that some sources have claimed that King Wen’s original intent was to author a guide to statecraft, but that as a political prisoner he had to maintain the pretext of oracular folklore to conceal his work’s true nature.[47]

King Wen was eventually released through a tribute of fantastic bribes, an event also enshrined in the Yijing:

Imprisoned first, then set free,

The King makes offerings at West Mountain. (17 – THE CHASE)

This did not prevent King Wen’s son Taisi, destined to become King Wu, from avenging his father’s ordeal and overthrowing Jou.[48] Wu called for a revolution in 1122 BC when Jou was engrossed in a war against the barbarians of Huai.[49] Eight-hundred heads of state came forth with four thousand chariots to answer Wu’s call.[50] After delivering a historic speech on the field of Mu, Wu and his army marched forth determined to fulfill the mandate of heaven:[51]

On the day of the public gathering,

A new order is proclaimed. (49 – REVOLUTION).

Jou met the challenge with an army of 700,000, but most of the uninspired, conscripted soldiers

defected to King Wu:

None will rally,

Some will attack.

If there is no determination in the heart,

Disaster will befall. (42 - INCREASE).

Defeated, Jou retreated to an orgy ground, set himself ablaze, and burned to death. King Wu arrived and desecrated Jou’s body,[52] then declared himself Emperor and appointed his brother, Duke Zhou, as Prime Minister. The Yijing’s prophets rejoiced with their characteristic reticence:

Shang is vanquished.

Some things are possible. (2 – EARTH)

With Jou’s downfall the Shang Dynasty passed into the Zhou. Zhou would last eight centuries, an epoch that included the Golden Age of Chinese philosophy. Duke Zhou himself was a master of the Yijing, and he elevated King Wen’s hexagrams by writing a supplemental text further elaborating and conveying their attributes. Together with the original Judgments on the hexagrams written by King Wen, these works constitute the core of the modern Yijing.

B. CONFUCIANISM AND THE YIJING

“In the three thousand years since the Yijing was created as the court oracle of a Chinese Dynasty, it has been analyzed, annotated and embellished to such an extent that its original face has become all but unrecognizable,” laments Kerson Huang, a respected 20th century interpreter of the Yijing.[53] Of all of its historical amendments, Huang disdains the commandeering of the Yijing by the Confucians the most. In his opinion, the Confucians suppressed its role as oracle and blatantly recast it as a treatise to justify their new ideals.[54] Regardless of interpretive standpoint, there is no denying that after Confucius, the Yijing would never be the same.

By 550 B.C. the Zhou Dynasty had largely melted away and Confucius, the sage of sages, was born into a lawless age. He labored to restore the chaotic Chinese world to a romanticized “Golden Era,” featuring compassionate emperors and loyal subjects.[55] Confucius looked to history and celebrated the deeds of ancient Chinese leaders like Yu, master of the Great Flood, transforming them into eternal representatives of virtuous government.[56] By elevating their humanism and pursuit of social justice, Confucius raised expectations of proper governance among the people while demanding that those in positions of authority “make conscious human development part of the overall operation of society itself, not only in public education but in the actual operation of government,[57] both for the general improvement of the mores of the people and for the cultivation of outstanding individuals with leadership qualities.”[58]

Yet, Confucius did not limit the pursuit of social responsibility to the aristocracy. His ideals are obligations upon everyone, for if people behave in a duteous manner – conscientiously fulfilling the requirements of their stations, no matter how high nor how low – then society’s problems will become manageable.[59] Epic virtues were attainable by all people who dedicated themselves to learning and self-cultivation, regardless of social class. [60] His disciples recorded his views as follows, in The Great Learning:

In ancient times, he who wished to let his virtue shine over all under Heaven must first govern his state well. To govern the state well, he must first unify his clan. To unify the clan, he must first cultivate himself. To cultivate himself, his heart must be in the right place. For the heart to be in the right place, he must have a sincere purpose. To have a sincere purpose, he must first acquire knowledge. The way to acquire knowledge is to study the nature of things.

When the nature of things is understood, knowledge is gained. When knowledge is gained, a sincere purpose can be set. When a sincere purpose is set, the heart can find the right place. When the heart is in the right place, the elf can be cultivated. When the self is cultivated, the clan can be unified. When the clan is unified, the state can be well-governed. When the state is well-governed, order can be brought to all under heaven . . . For the emperor and the common man alike, self-cultivation is the key.

Unfortunately, the hierarchical Confucian social structure has been used to justify despotism. The philosophy encompasses notions of loyalty and obedience to established authority, lending itself to usurpation as a moral underpinning for absolute rule.[61] Nothing could be further from Confucius’ intent. “Dictatorship and despotism were precisely what Confucius opposed; his idea of duty was an obligation to justice, not to personalities empowered by hereditary authority.”[62] Confucius thought that rulers who put on a pretense of justice and duty but were really motivated by profit or advantage were destroying the moral fiber of society.[63]

Indeed, the moral underpinnings of the Yijing foreshadow the noblest ideals of Confucianism: a respect for the natural order, social justice and esteem for self-cultivation.[64] Confucius himself claimed to have studied the Yijing tirelessly, famously stating “grant me a few more years to study the Yi, and I should then be able to avoid grave errors.”[65] He is said to have personally written the “Ten Wings” (also known as the “Commentaries”), a series of essays appended to the original Yi of King Wen and Duke Zhou.[66] These supplements are purportedly intended to help people understand the Yijing.[67] Though part of the modern canon, originalists like Huang blast the Commentaries as embellishments that distort the spirit and substance of the original Yijing.[68] The later Confucians largely repackaged the Yijing into a text expounding their philosophy when Confucianism became the official state creed during the third century.[69] As stated by Gernet, the Confucian Yijing became essential to court life of the famed Han Dynasty:

If it is permissible to speak of a renewal of classical studies and of Confucianism, this renewal took place under the aegis of the theories of yin and yang. The Classics, venerable products of remote antiquity, the works of eminent sages, were reckoned by the men of this period to contain secret knowledge, and their interpretation had therefore to be confined to schools of specialists, cabalist in nature. Their texts, often so concise as to be positively obscure, were very soon regarded as collections of prophecies and esoteric commentaries multiplied under the first Han emperors . . . The taste for esoteric commentaries and prophecies and also the use of omens for political ends seem to have been at their height at the end of the first Han dynasty, round about the beginning of the Christian era[70] . . . It is permissible to wonder why this philosophy was so successful. It may be that the development of a doctrine that claimed to give a complete explanation of the universe was favored by political circumstances.[71]

Despite their one-time monopoly on state power, the Confucians were not the only Chinese philosophical school to redress the Yijing to serve their own outlook.

C. TAOISM AND THE YIJING

In stark contrast to the Confucian social hierarchy, Taoist thinkers contrast the ideal of an independent, natural, free and happy life with the constraints of morality, ritual and political organization.[72] Laozi, whom the Taoists claim as their founding father, held that government was the root of all evil,[73] and argued that salvation lies in retirement and withdraw from the modern world.[74] Like the Confucians, however, they found a way to adapt the Yijing to their own worldview.

Taoists focused entirely upon the symbolism of the hexagrams. Dispensing with the text altogether, they built a numerological system akin to astrology around the hexagrams.[75] They harmonized the original Yijing with aspects from their “Five Elements Theory,” an explanation of existence which subdivides all things into five categories: Metal, Wood, Water, Fire and Earth.[76] This system seems to have been cultivated particularly in the academy of Ji Xia (稷下) at Linzi (临淄),[77] and by the legendary Zou Yan (邹衍) (c. 305 – 240 BC) for extending the Five Elements Theory to all spheres of knowledge: astronomy, geography, history and politics.[78] According to Zou Yan’s fundamental thesis, the rise and fall of political power is related to that of the Five Elements, the old always being destroyed by the new, in the order earth-wood-metal-fire-water.[79] Accordingly, the balance of these forces makes it possible to interpret multitudinous events, including the birth, zenith and decline of political power.[80] The intricacy became staggering, and a whole Taoist astrology grew up around the Yijing which dictated the ritual of the Qin dynasty, from the color of flags flown on certain days to the shape of ceremonial hats, from the length of contracts and justifying the severity of its laws.[81] This system also became a dominant influence in Chinese folk culture, and still touches the daily lives of millions of people through its role in liturgy, geomancy and medicine.

D. THE AGE OF LEGALISM

In the hands of the Zhou Dynasty’s soothsayers, the Yijing aided the development of mathematics, science and philosophy in the Chinese world.[82] Then, as always happens, the Zhou Dynasty retired, and the Era of the Warring States began with the advent of the Iron Age. The state of Qin was ultimately victorious, enveloping its rivals in 221 B.C.E. Though the first Dynasty to successfully unite all of China, it lasted a mere fifteen years. In that brief age, the Qin unified the Chinese currency as well as the gauge of cartwheels and written characters, and built a vast network of imperial roads, irrigation canals and the Great Wall.[83] Despite these advances, the Yijing was lucky to survive.

Qin was relatively poor and backwards, but fairly well protected in a secure, isolated river basin. Its emperor had no use for Confucianism. He and his advisors favored a realistic and absolutist policy based on the local facts of life.[84] They opted for the cold pragmatism of Legalism, a pertinacious approach to the acquisition and maintenance of centralized power.[85] To dogmatic Legalists, politics is an instrument independent of morality, a body of stratagems which ensure the power of the state.[86] Fearing that scholastic interest in moral codes may someday endanger a throne based on Legalism alone, the Qin Emperor ordered that 300 alleged Confucian scholars be buried alive and burned most books except for treatises on medicine, agriculture, divination, and a few other limited subjects.[87] Amazingly, the Yijing was spared from the literary purge because it was recognized as a book on divination.[88]

The Qin Dynasty died with its Emperor, and the two major forces of Chu and Han vied for the vacant throne. Han was victorious in 207 B.C., and though the original foundations of Han power were no different from those of its predecessor,[89] in time Confucianism was adopted as the official Han state creed.[90] The Yijing, including the Ten Wings, took a permanent place among the Confucian Classics, which had to be mastered by all of those who aspired to state office or civil service.[91] Thus, five hundred years after Confucius lived, the Yijing became enshrined as state doctrine.


E. THE MODERN YIJING

Western readers were introduced to the Yijing chiefly through Richard Wilhelm’s famous 1923 German translation, rendered into English by Cary F. Baynes. By this time, its original function as a vehicle for divination was considered secondary to its revelation of the cycle of Yin and Yang. Carl Jung used this version as a psychoanalytic tool, thereby increasing its exposure and helping to make it a prophet of the counterculture of the 1960’s.[92] While Jung prognosticated, the Chinese Communists reevaluated what role the Yijing would play in their new social order:

"The more emotionally inclined have proceeded to regard the Yijing as one of the most treasured parts of the Chinese tradition.[93] This was true even in the context of the Cultural Revolution, until Guo Moruo (郭沫若) was purged from his position as the foremost cultural official in Communist China. He devoted himself to the book extensively, particularly in his earlier years.[94] And when, in the early 1960’s, the ideological reigns were somewhat relaxed and it was possible for a time to deal with matters of intellectual concern, the two issues which engendered nationwide discussion were the ethical system of Confucius and the Yijing.[95] The phenomenon persists: wherever the chance for expression is present, the Yijing emerges as one of the foremost concerns of Chinese intellectuals."[96]

The modern reader must choose his or her own tact in approaching the Yijing. She can try to be faithful to the original face, or opt for the magical numerology of the Taoists, or favor the rigid moral interpretations of the Confucians. In all likelihood, the modern reader will employ some hybrid of these three systems. One’s present situation is revealed today by the name and the structure of the drawn heagram, together with analysis from King Wen’s Decisions, Confucius’s Commentaries, and Taoist Five Element Theory. Like the Chinese language itself, the Yijing speaks through images, not words. Reading the Yijing does not mean reading pedantic sentences but tailoring a personal understanding from archetypal, poetic images. Readers read it for their own purposes, interpreting it to their own agendas.



[1] Yì Jīng is the proper name of the text in Mandarin Chinese Pinyin; I Ching is its translation under the older Wade-Giles Romanization system. While the most famous English language resources introduced Western readers to the “I Ching” in the 20th century, the authors of this article will refer to it by the now ubiquitous Pinyin system.

[2] Jacques Gernet, A History of Chinese Civilization, 2nd Ed., Foster translation, 1999 (hereinafter “Gernet”) at 83; Alfred Huang, The Complete I Ching: The Definitive Translation from the Taoist Master Alfred Huang, 2004 (hereinafter “A. Huang”) at xvii:

“To the Chinese, the I Ching is like a Holy Bible written by the four most honored sages in our

history – Fu Xi, King Wen, the Duke of Zhou, and Confucius. The Chinese translation of Holy Bible is

Sheng Ching. Sheng is equivalent to “holy,” and Ching means “classic.” Chinese understand that Ching is

the Tao, the Truth, the holiest of the ancient books, and because they revere and respect the sacred writings

of the Jews and the Christian church, they honor the Bible by calling it Ching.”

[3] The Yijing that survived into modernity is the Zhou Yi. According to Gernet, there may have been many more than three, as each city state may have had its own oracle at one time. See Gernet, supra note 2, at 85.

[4] Gernet, supra note 2, at 83.

[5] John King Fairbank, The United States and China, 4th Ed., 1976 (hereinafter “Fairbank”) at 17. The Shang Dynasty (商朝), the second Chinese Dynasty and first of the Bronze Age, is also widely known as the Yin Dynasty (殷代). This refers to Yin Du, a district within An Yang, the final and most significant capital city of the Shang/Yin Dynasty.

[6] Gernet, supra note 2, at 45.

[7] Kerson and Rosemary Huang, I Ching, 1987 (Hereinafter “K. Huang”) at 45. The T-shaped pattern of the cracks inspired the Chinese character for divination, ().

[8] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 45.

[9] Gernet, supra note 2, at 43.

[10] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 45.

[11] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 45; Gernet, supra note 2, at 41, 45. Anyang is located in modern day Henan Province.

[12] Gernet, supra note 2, at 47.

“The caste of soothsayers and scribes who were entrusted with royal divination were preoccupied by questions of number and questions relating to the calendar. Thus, a large number of sacrifices occurred on fixed dates or more irregularly, and the inscriptions have enabled historians to draw up a complete list of Shang kings.”

[13] Gernet, supra note 2, at 46.

[14] The ancient Chinese also used two sets of so-called “magic squares” to divine the future. Like the Ten Commandments, both are avowedly supernatural in origin. A dragon-horse is said to have emerged from the Yellow River bearing the “River Diagram” on his back during the time of Fuxi. Emperor Yu is supposed to have met a great striped tortoise in the Luo River while taming the Great Deluge, with the “Luo Tablet” carved onto its back. The sum of all odd integers on the periphery of the River Diagram is 20; on the Luo Tablet, they total 15. K. Huang, supra note 7, at 50-51.

[15] A. Huang, supra note 2, at xx.

[16] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 7.

[17] A. Huang, supra note 2, at 5; K. Huang, supra note 7, at 8.

[18] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 8.

[19] Id. Four of these trigrams are displayed on the flag of South Korea. Clockwise from the upper hoist, the trigrams symbolize: (i) heaven, the south and summer, (ii) the moon, the west, autumn and water, (iii) the earth, the north and winter, and (iv) the sun, the east, spring and fire. Alfred Znamierowski, The World Encyclopedia of Flags, 2002 at 177.

[20] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 7.

[21] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 7.

[22] Id. at 8. This multiplication allows for a much more nuanced level of representation.

[23] A. Huang, supra note 2, at 23.

[24] A. Huang, supra note 2, at 4.

[25] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 32.

[26] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 32.

[27] A. Huang, supra note 2, at xiii.

[28] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 32.

[29] A. Huang, supra note 2, at xiii.

[30] Gernet, supra note 2, at 85; K. Huang, supra note 7, at 52-55.

[31] A. Huang, supra note 2, at xv.

[32] Gernet, supra note 2, at 45.

[33] Gernet, supra note 2, at 45.

[34] Thomas Cleary, The Essential Confucius: The Heart of Confucius’ Teachings in Authentic I Ching Order, 1st Ed., 1992 (hereinafter “Cleary”) at 7; see also K. Huang, supra note 7, at 7-8.

[35] Cleary, supra note 34, at 7.

[36] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 12.

[37] Id.

[38] Id.

[39] Id. at 13.

[40] Id. at 13. For example, the Duke of Zhou’s interpretation of Hexagram 64 – “UNFULFILMENT” – includes the passage, “rewards come from a great kingdom” to describe the fourth line.

[41] Id.

[42] Id. at 13-14.

[43] Id. at 14.

[44] Id. at 15-16.

[45] Id. at 16.

[46] Id.

[47] Cleary, supra note 34, at 8.

[48] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 18.

[49] Gernet, supra note 2, at 52.

[50] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 18.

[51] Id. That speech is recorded in the Book of Records.

[52] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 18:

“And disaster did befall the evil Jou. Conceding defeat, he retreated to the Deer Pavilion, scene of his

numerous past orgies. There, clasping to his bosom his priceless jade collection, Jou set himself on fire and burned to death. King Wu drove up in a chariot anf shot Jou’s body three times with arrows. Then he beheaded Jou’s corpse with a yellow ax, and hanged the head on a white banner for all to see.”

[53] K. Huang, supra note 7, at i.

[54] See generally Id.

[55] Cleary, supra note 34, at 7.

[56] Id.

[57] The political and intellectual leaders of a country were by definition holders of a trust, Confucius believed, and would ultimately be trusted by the people to the extent that they are truthful and faithful to that trust. Id. at 6.

[58] Cleary, supra note 34, at 2-3.

[59] Id. at 4.

[60] “[Confucius] envisioned a social order guided by reasonable, humane and just sensibilities, not by the passions of individuals arbitrarily empowered by hereditary status, and warned of the social consequences if men in positions of power considered personal profit and advantage over public humanity and justice. Confucius believed that the conduct of the affairs of a nation would benefit from the maximum participation in government by cultivated people whose intellects and emotions had been developed and matured by conscious culture . . . Confucius advocated the ideal cultured person, the exemplary individual. The word Confucius used to express this ideal was a class term that formerly meant scion of the ruling class, but he subsequently transformed it into an abstract moral ideal, a quality of character.” Id. at 1-2.

[61] Id. Confucius emphasized the virtue of justice, or zhong (忠义). This character can also be translated as “principle” or “duty,” and thus the true meaning has always been a matter of debate among Confucian scholars.

[62] Id. at 4.

[63] Id. at 4.

[64] See generally K. Huang, supra note 7, at 21-23.

[65] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 23.

[66] Id.; A. Huang, supra note 2, at 5.

[67] The first and second Wings are the Commentary on the Decisions; the third and forth Wings are the Commentary on the Symbols; the fifth and sixth Wings are known as the Great Treatise; the seventh Wing is Commentary on the Words of the Text; the eight Wing is the Discussion of the Gua; the ninth Wing is the Sequence of the Gua; and the tenth Wing is the Miscellaneous Notes on the Gua. See A. Huang, supra note 2, at 5.

[68] See generally K. Huang, supra note 7. For example, at 28, “We can see that the text [of the Ten Wings] is really quite straightforward and spontaneous, but the so-called image is pure gobbledegook, and the annotations only make it worse.”

[69] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 25; Gernet, supra note 2, at 159.

[70] Gernet, supra note 2, at 161.

[71] Gernet, supra note 2, at 162.

[72] Gernet, supra note 2, at 94.

[73] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 22.

[74] Gernet, supra note 2, at 93.

[75] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 39.

[76] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 39.

[77] Gernet, supra note 2, at 98.

[78] Gernet, supra note 2, at 98, 158.

[79] Gernet, supra note 2, at 158.

[80] Id.

[81] Id. at 159.

[82] Gernet, supra note 2, at 85.

[83] Gernet, supra note 2, at 106.

[84] Gernet, supra note 2, at 79. These included the aristocratic Shang Yang to the rich merchant Lu Pu-wei.

[85] Gernet, supra note 2, at 106-07.

[86] Gernet, supra note 2, at 91.

[87] Gernet, supra note 2, at 109.

[88] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 26; Richard Wilhelm et al., The I Ching, or Book of Changes, 3rd Ed., 1967, at lxi.

[89] Gernet, supra note 2, at 110.

[90] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 25; see also Gernet, supra note 2, at 111:

“It was only in the long run and as a result of a complex process of evolution that the Han Empire departed further from these origins. All kinds of factors were involved in this evolution: economic expansion, changes in the relationship between the Chinese world and the world of the steepe, strengthening of the palace at the expense of the civil service, weakening of the state’s hold on the peasantry, rise of the families of the rich and gentry, and so on.”

[91] K. Huang, supra note 7, at 25.

[92] K. Huang, supra note 7, at i.

[93] Richard Wilhelm et al., The I Ching, or Book of Changes, 3rd Ed., 1967, at XX.

[94] Id. at xx.

[95] Id. at xx.

[96] Gernet, supra note 2, at xvii.